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Thailand's Next Government Takes Shape as Bhumjaithai Gains Ground

Politics
Thai parliament chamber with ballot box and blurred party banners in background
By , Hey Thailand News
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With just weeks remaining before ballots are cast, the latest nationwide survey sketches an election that feels decided on the surface yet increasingly unpredictable underneath. The headline figures keep the People’s Party ahead, but the momentum arrow now tilts toward Bhumjaithai—a shift that could redraw Thailand’s coalition map overnight.

Quick take

People’s Party clings to roughly 30 % in both constituency and party-list tallies

Bhumjaithai vaults into second place on about 22 %, the sharpest month-on-month rise

The once-sizable undecided bloc has collapsed to 7 %

Seat maths points to a workable Bhumjaithai–Pheu Thai alliance clearing 300 MPs, with Democrats or Klatham as optional extras

What the numbers really say

The January Nida Poll sampled voters nationwide after New Year festivities—often a period when family conversations nudge fence-sitters off the fence. In constituency races the People’s Party holds 30.4 %, followed by Bhumjaithai at 21.9 % and Pheu Thai on 15.7 %. Party-list results mirror that split. Crucially, only 7 % remain uncommitted, compared with 32 % in early December. Pollsters believe about two-thirds of those “newly decided” settled on Bhumjaithai, with the remainder split between minor parties and the governing PP.

On the prime-minister question, PP leader Natthaphong Ruengpanyawut still tops the chart (24.8 %), but Anutin Charnvirakul has narrowed the gap (20.8 %). Regional snapshots reinforce the impression of flux: in Chiang Mai, historically a red stronghold, PP leads comfortably; in Bangkok, nearly half the electorate still says “no suitable choice.” The Northeast, however, shows the most dramatic swing, a factor that could translate into dozens of seats under the two-ballot system.

Why Bhumjaithai’s star is rising

Analysts trace the party’s surge to a potent mix of nationalism, pocket-book incentives and perfect timing. Tensions along the Thai–Cambodian border have created an emotional backdrop that the party—branding itself guardian of sovereignty—has tapped with slogans such as “ยึดแผ่นดิน.” Meanwhile, the expanded Khon La Krueng Plus co-payment programme promises daily subsidies of ฿200, widening the scheme’s appeal beyond urban shoppers to rural stallholders.

Behind the policy headlines sits a well-oiled machine of grass-roots networks, many rooted in the บ้านใหญ่ political clans of the lower Northeast. The party also fields visible economic stewards, notably Commerce Minister Suphajee Suthumpun and Finance Minister Ekniti Nitithanprapas, who argue that Bhumjaithai can keep continuity without military overhang. Put together, these elements have turned the party into the campaign’s momentum play.

The hurdles facing the People’s Party

While still in front, PP is discovering how quickly a lead can feel like a ceiling. Support among the youth vote—once its beating heart—has slipped from 70 % during the Pita era to just above 50 %. Gains among 36- to 45-year-olds exist but remain inferior to Bhumjaithai’s numbers, and among Generation X and baby boomers the party still trails badly.

Strategists complain that endless media fire-fighting—responding to court cases, cultural skirmishes and social-media storms—eats into time needed for a crisp digital campaign. Even leader Natthaphong’s solid technocratic credentials have not forged the leadership aura voters often reward at election time. Unless PP finds a game-changing issue, the party risks drifting from front-runner to reluctant junior partner.

Coalition calculus: possible deals

Seat-projection models now cluster Bhumjaithai between 140 and 170 MPs, the PP around 120-130 and Pheu Thai roughly 80-90. No party approaches the 250 line required to govern alone, making coalition craftsmanship vital. If Bhumjaithai does finish first, it could invite Pheu Thai for numerical heft and geographic balance, then sprinkle in the Democrat Party or Klatham for added stability. Such a line-up would likely sail past the 300-seat mark.

PP, for its part, hopes to spoil that scenario by holding second place; a PP-led bloc with Democrats and Klatham is plausible but would still need either Bhumjaithai or Pheu Thai to cross the finish line. The shadow of the Deep State—senators and security elites—adds another layer, though analysts say its influence is milder than in 2019.

Pocketbook impact for households and business

Whoever ends up in the driver’s seat inherits an economy forecast to expand a meagre 1.5 % this year. Bhumjaithai pledges to cap power tariffs at 3 baht per unit, roll out emergency micro-loans of ฿50,000 and launch a 100,000-strong volunteer defence corps. PP counters with tech-driven growth and a Bangkok-centric green-transit push. Cash-handout fatigue is real, but so is cost-of-living pain, meaning any ruling coalition will struggle to square fiscal prudence with campaign generosity.

Wild cards to watch

Thailand’s recent elections have been decided late, often in the final fortnight. Observers list a handful of triggers that could still up-end projections:

Border flare-up that reignites security anxieties.

A global economic shock hitting exports or tourism.

Telegenic debates that reveal a breakout performer.

Weather-disrupted turnout, especially in rural heartlands.

For now, the numbers favour a Bhumjaithai–Pheu Thai accord, but—as veteran pollster Suvicha Pouaree reminds—Thai politics rarely follows the script once campaigning hits full throttle. In other words: watch the wind, not only the engines.

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