The Thailand People's Party has accused the country's ruling establishment of consolidating power through constitutional mechanisms inherited from the 2014 military coup, arguing that genuine democratic reform remains blocked 12 years after tanks rolled through Bangkok.
Speaking on the anniversary of the 2014 putsch in May 2025, opposition leader Natthaphong Ruengpanyawut described what he termed a "blue regime" — a reference to the color of the incumbent Bhumjaithai Party, whose blue branding symbolizes its position as the political anchor of establishment networks — that relies on unelected institutions and legal instruments to protect elite interests. His call for a new constitution drafted with popular participation has become the centerpiece of opposition strategy ahead of the next general election, when for the first time since 2017 the Senate will play no role in selecting the prime minister.
Why This Matters
• Constitutional reform is now the main battleground between opposition parties and the ruling coalition, with implications for election outcomes and government formation.
• Senate influence — appointed, not elected — has shaped policy and cabinet choices since 2017; reducing its power is a top priority for pro-democracy groups.
• A February 2025 referendum showed majority public support for drafting a new charter, giving opposition parties a popular mandate to push reform.
What Natthaphong Calls the "Blue Regime"
Born on May 18, 1987, Natthaphong has been in parliament since 2019, serving first with the Future Forward Party (dissolved in 2020), then Move Forward (dissolved in 2024), and now as leader of the People's Party, which was formally established in August 2024 as the successor vehicle. He has served as opposition leader since September 2024 and again from May 8 this year, positioning his party as the standard-bearer for structural reform.
In his May 2025 statement, Natthaphong argued that even though no tanks are on the streets, Thailand remains governed by institutions designed to concentrate authority in the hands of a narrow elite. He traced the roots to the 2017 Constitution, drafted under military oversight following the coup. That charter created mechanisms — an appointed Senate, strengthened independent agencies, and a Constitutional Court empowered to dissolve parties — that he says are wielded to override popular will and silence challenges to the establishment.
The term "blue regime" is pointed: Bhumjaithai, whose party color is blue, leads the current coalition government and is seen by critics as the political arm of entrenched power networks linking the bureaucracy, military, and major business interests. Natthaphong's framing casts the conflict not as partisan rivalry but as a struggle between concentrated elite control and democratic accountability.
The Constitutional Reform Plan
The People's Party is preparing to introduce an amendment to Article 256 of the charter, which would insert a new section — Chapter 15/1 — setting out the process for drafting an entirely new constitution. The proposal is built on three non-negotiable principles:
• Maximum public participation, especially in selecting the drafting body. The party wants a directly elected constituent assembly, not one appointed by parliament or dominated by sitting MPs.
• No monopolization: Safeguards to prevent any single faction — including the opposition itself — from capturing the drafting process.
• No special privileges for the Senate: All parliamentarians would have equal voting rights on the final text. Currently, the 200-member Senate has veto power over certain constitutional amendments, despite being unelected.
These principles are reinforced by the outcome of a February 2025 referendum, in which a majority of voters endorsed the idea of writing a new charter. That result has given opposition parties political cover to escalate their demands, but it has also sharpened the fault lines: coalition parties, particularly Bhumjaithai, have floated alternative reform proposals that the People's Party rejects as preserving elite control under a veneer of change.
Deputy leader Prit Watcharasindhu, an MP on the party list, has said the People's Party will support reform bills from other parties only if they conform to the three principles. Bills perceived as expanding Senate power or limiting public involvement will be opposed.
Impact on Residents and Investors
For Thais living through this political phase, the constitutional debate is more than abstract: it determines who picks the government. Under the 2017 charter, the Senate — appointed by a military-dominated panel — could vote for prime minister until this year. That provision allowed the establishment to block Move Forward, which won the popular vote in 2023 but was denied power through parliamentary maneuvering. Move Forward was later dissolved by the Constitutional Court on charges related to its campaign to reform royal defamation laws.
If a new constitution is drafted and ratified, it could reshape executive selection, party rules, and judicial review powers, potentially reducing the ability of unelected bodies to overrule election results. For foreign investors and long-term residents, this would mean greater policy predictability tied to electoral cycles rather than institutional vetoes, though the transition period could be volatile.
The reform push also matters for economic policy: opposition parties, including the People's Party, favor welfare expansion, anti-corruption enforcement, and redistribution measures that challenge the status quo. A constitutional reset could unlock legislative gridlock and enable more ambitious fiscal reforms, but it could also trigger backlash from establishment factions with deep roots in the bureaucracy and security apparatus.
The Broader Landscape: New Parties and Old Networks
Ahead of the anticipated general election, 57 parties have registered candidate lists, including several positioning themselves as fresh alternatives. Notable entrants include:
• Thai Sang Thai Party, led by Suchatchavee Suwansawat, campaigning on education reform and transparency under the slogan "Make Thailand Strong."
• Setthakit Party (Economy Party), headed by General Rangsri Kittiyanantrap, with a platform centered on logistics infrastructure and anti-corruption measures. The party is fielding candidates in all 400 constituencies.
• Kwam Wang Mai Party (New Hope Party), led by Jatuporn Buruspat, a former permanent secretary at the Natural Resources and Environment Ministry, emphasizing welfare and loyalty.
• Rak Chart Party (Love Nation Party), branding itself as a "Gen New start-up" led by Chaiwut Thanakhamanusorn, drawing young professionals from various sectors with pledges on education, healthcare, and economic modernization.
Despite the crowded field, analysts view the People's Party as the main opposition force, commanding a membership of over 110,000 as of 2025 and holding the largest opposition bloc in parliament. Its calls for constitutional reform are designed to capitalize on referendum momentum and frame the election as a choice between elite continuity and democratic renewal.
Fragility Beneath the Surface
Natthaphong's rhetoric also highlights a recurring theme in Thai political analysis: the fragility of coalition governments built on overlapping elite interests rather than ideological coherence. While the current administration projects stability, internal factions compete over appointments, contracts, and policy direction, creating openings for opposition pressure.
The abolition of the Senate's prime ministerial vote removes one pillar of establishment control, but other mechanisms remain: the Constitutional Court, the Election Commission, and various independent agencies still possess sweeping powers to disqualify candidates, dissolve parties, and block legislation. Whether a new constitution can be drafted and ratified depends on whether reformers can overcome institutional resistance — and whether coalition parties fear electoral defeat enough to concede changes that might limit their own future maneuvering room.
What Comes Next
The People's Party plans to table its Article 256 amendment in the coming parliamentary session. Success will require either coalition support or a referendum strategy that bypasses parliament. Given the coalition's majority, the more likely path is sustained public mobilization and election campaigning that forces reform onto the agenda post-election.
For residents of Thailand, the stakes are clear: the constitutional debate is not merely procedural but existential for the country's political system. Whether power flows from voters or from unelected institutions will shape governance, rights, and economic policy for years to come. The anniversary of the 2014 coup is no longer just a historical marker — it remains a live fault line in Thai politics, with Natthaphong betting that popular frustration with elite dominance can be channeled into a mandate for systemic change.
